Essay mobility money new people


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If instead, the Social Mobility Commission had measured changes in the value of take-home pay, in leisure time, in the quality and speed of public transport and the affordability of housing they would, in many areas, be recording a big reversal. Though no government has dared apply these categories to British towns, their inhabitants subconsciously do so.

One of the first things Labour needs to do is frame new metrics that will force civil servants, local councils and outsourcing contractors to judge their success or failure against these goals — and to scrap the market metrics which have been coercively applied to the public sector to justify rip-off outsourcing and PFI contracts.

People must see a future where wages rise, instead of stagnating; where servicing their debts does not swallow half their salaries; where life in towns and cities becomes easier; where the basic amenities of life become cheaper; where there is a rich and vibrant cultural life. That means not just funding the health service, reversing cuts to education and local government but uncapping public sector pay; creating salary structures and rewarding career paths for the millions of people who work in public services; space to innovate in public service, not just to survive the week.

For all this, you need money. It was the right thing to do but it is not the whole solution. Every school needs to know how much of that money it can expect; every local Labour party needs to be asked for a wish list of what their town needs. From the conversations I had on the doorstep around the general election in , my guess is that the local demand will rarely consist only of new motorways and railway lines.

I had primed myself for a Brexit backlash, but even in the classic pro-Leave communities the first encounter usually involved a person pointing angrily over my shoulder at a hole in the road and asking simply: when will this get filled? People want the fabric of their local communities restored: youth clubs, adult social services, mental health facilities, green space and thriving high streets.

One of the most depressing things about the narrative of neoliberalism was its insistence that old communities must be disrupted, their facilities allowed to rot, so that shiny palaces of uninhabited luxury flats could be built next to them. That the pubs must close so that the high streets of small towns could become lined with shops selling alcohol for consumption at home. Invest in that.

Any government that did what I am suggesting would be an outlier in the global system. It would meet domestic and external resistance and I will discuss in a later essay how this resistance could be overcome.


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But I want to finish where I started. Thompson taught them that the British working class has a story, and that what Labour did after , and Wilson in the s, was designed to achieve progress for them before anyone else.

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Solzhenitsyn taught them that, if there was an alternative to capitalism, if could not be the abhorrent and inhuman forced march to planned scarcity we saw in the USSR. With the industrial society I grew up in long gone, this battle for a cultural narrative is going to be harder for radical social democracy, but not impossible. The Attlee governments have been mythologized.

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And while everyone knows the post-war Labour government built houses, how many understand how vital it was that these were high-quality, low-rent properties offering tenancies for life, not insecure shoeboxes built as an afterthought to luxury developments? Neoliberalism turned social mobility into a game of snakes and ladders — with even people on middle incomes worried that redundancy, offshoring or the insolvency of a major contractor like Carillion can plunge them several rungs down the ladder.

By implementing the Beveridge Report, and creating a nigh-impenetrable social safety net, the Labour government banished that fear for a generation. Alexis Tsipras may have failed in his attempt to break Greece out of its EU-imposed austerity in We publish high-quality investigative reporting and analysis; we train and mentor journalists and wider civil society; we publish in Russian, Arabic, Spanish and Portuguese and English.

Paul Mason. Infrastructure , Spending. Previous Next. The second is that privately owned vehicles are more comfortable, faster, more private, more convenient in trip timing, and more flexible for doing multiple tasks on one trip than almost any form of public transit. As household incomes rise around the world, more and more people shift from slower, less expensive modes of movement to privately owned cars and trucks. With Waiting in line is the definition of congestion, and the same condition is found in all growing major metropolitan regions.

In fact, traffic congestion is worse in most other countries because American roads are so much better. There are four ways any region can try to cope with the mobility challenge. But three of them are politically impractical or physically and financially impossible in the United States. Charging peak-hour tolls. Governments can charge people money to enter all the lanes on major commuting roads during peak hours.


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  • That would allow more people to travel per lane per hour than under current, heavily congested conditions. Transportation economists have long been proponents of this tactic, but most Americans reject this solution politically for two reasons. Tolls would favor wealthier or subsidized drivers and harm poor ones, so most Americans would resent them, partly because they believe they would be at a disadvantage.

    The second drawback is that people think these tolls would be just another tax, forcing them to pay for something they have already paid for through gasoline taxes. For both these reasons, few politicians in our democracy—and so far, anywhere else in the world—advocate this tactic. Limited road-pricing schemes that have been adopted in Singapore, Norway, and London only affect congestion in crowded downtowns, which is not the kind of congestion on major arteries that most Americans experience. Greatly expanding road capacity.

    The second approach would be to build enough road capacity to handle all drivers who want to travel in peak hours at the same time without delays. Governments would have to widen all major commuting roads by demolishing millions of buildings, cutting down trees, and turning most of every metropolitan region into a giant concrete slab. Those roads would then be grossly underutilized during non-peak hours.

    There are many occasions when adding more road capacity is a good idea, but no large region can afford to build enough to completely eliminate peak-hour congestion. Greatly expanding public transit capacity. The third approach would be to expand public transit capacity enough to shift so many people from cars to transit that there would be no more excess demand for roads during peak hours.

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    But in the United States in , only 4. Outside of New York City, only 3. A major reason is that most transit commuting is concentrated in a few large, densely settled regions with extensive fixed-rail transit systems. The nine U. Within those regions, transit commuters are 17 percent of all commuters, but elsewhere, transit carries only 2.

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    But that would reduce all morning private vehicle trips by only 8. Living with congestion. This is the sole viable option. The only feasible way to accommodate excess demand for roads during peak periods is to have people wait in line. That means traffic congestion, which is an absolutely essential mechanism for American regions—and most other metropolitan regions throughout the world—to cope with excess demands for road space during peak hours each day.

    Although congestion can seem intolerable, the alternatives would be even worse. Peak-hour congestion is the balancing mechanism that makes it possible for Americans to pursue other goals they value, including working or sending their children to school at the same time as their peers, living in low-density settlements, and having a wide choice of places to live and work. For example, a major commuting expressway might be so heavily congested each morning that traffic crawls for at least thirty minutes.

    But soon word would spread that this particular highway was no longer congested. Drivers who had once used that road before and after the peak hour to avoid congestion would shift back into the peak period. Other drivers who had been using alternative routes would shift onto this more convenient expressway. Even some commuters who had been using the subway or trains would start driving on this road during peak periods.

    Within a short time, this triple convergence onto the expanded road during peak hours would make the road as congested as it was before its expansion. After expansion, the road can carry more vehicles per hour than before, no matter how congested it is, so more people can travel on it during those more desirable periods.

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    Also, the periods of maximum congestion may be shorter, and congestion on alternative routes may be lower. Those are all benefits, but that road will still experience some period of maximum congestion daily. Triple convergence affects the practicality of other suggested remedies to traffic congestion. An example is staggered work hours. In theory, if a certain number of workers are able to commute during less crowded parts of the day, that will free up space on formerly congested roads. But once traffic moves faster on those roads during peak hours, that will attract other drivers from other routes, other times, and other modes where conditions have not changed to shift onto the improved roads.

    Soon the removal of the staggered-working-hour drivers will be fully offset by convergence. The same thing will happen if more workers become telecommuters and work at home, or if public transit capacity is expanded on off-road routes that parallel a congested expressway. This is why building light rail systems or even new subways rarely reduces peak-hour traffic congestion. In Portland, where the light rail system doubled in size in the s, and in Dallas, where a new light rail system opened, congestion did not decline for long after these systems were up and running.

    As Alexis de Tocqueville argued more than years ago, it's this dream that enables Americans to tolerate much social inequality--this coming from a French aristocrat--in exchange for what we perceive as great dynamism and opportunity in our society.

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    Modern surveys confirm what Tocqueville sensed back then: Americans care much To continue reading: or Log-In Want the full story? Subscribe Now.

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